Here’s what bothers me: Long before Trump came along we were entirely free to say merry Christmas to each other. Our political leaders could say it, too.
Nothing would do more to energize social-justice movements than a broad-based coalition able to break through the impasse of abortion politics in the United States.
What might be more important about Trump's election is that the phenomenon seems part of a broader “populist” movement sweeping through most advanced countries.
That the senior ranks of the incoming Trump administration have taken on a military hue is both logical and deeply troubling. It should give Americans pause.
Three journalists with long experience in Russia try to untangle Vladimir Putin's high approval ratings from Russian citizens despite his brazen self-interest.
Losing to the “atheistic progressive agenda” might be good for the American church. Just look to that specter haunting the nightmares of U.S. conservatives: Sweden.
Supporters said Donald Trump would surround himself with competent people and not just diehard loyalists and bomb-throwers. For the most part, this hasn't happened.
Donald Trump's cavalier and arrogant response to the CIA's finding that Russia actively intervened in our election only deepens our fears about his win.
Humility for journalists means knowing when we don’t know. Empathy requires seeing the world through many lenses. Those basic journalistic values got lost in 2016.
My gnawing question about Trump voters, especially the dispossessed white working-class ones: Did they vote for Trump because he was Trump, or despite it?
That speech itself took a beating in the 2016 election is troubling. But Clinton and Trump were not singularly to blame: Both candidates embodied longer-term trends.
Bishop George Berkeley was one of the most interesting men of his age. Even today, his philosophical maxims are correctives to the abuses of patriotism.
After the spectacle of 2016, it is well to remember that popular agitation, exaggerated expectations, and deep divisions have long been part of the nation’s history.
Like a nightmare where you can sense the macabre ending in advance, an electoral scenario favoring the National Front's Marine Le Pen is starting to take shape.
Vibrant suspicion of government is the bedrock of democracy and our robust civil society. But it also means we’re unsure of what to do with our our own government.
Willing the good to everyone doesn't mean we ought to contrive a cheap reconciliation that ignores the danger presented by Donald Trump to our society and the world.
Barack Obama may not be leaving office with the successor he wanted, but he could do a service by explaining why the U.S. hasn't rescued Syria, and why it shouldn't.
One of the biggest problems confronting Catholics engaged in the public square is our failure to develop a body of political thought relevant to this modern moment.
It is not unreasonable to fear that Trump will govern as he campaigned—as an authoritarian, a threat
to the rule of law, an agent of disorder on the world stage.
Democrats may see themselves as heirs to the progressive tradition dating to FDR. But that does not describe the party that made Hillary Clinton its nominee.
As U.S. Catholic leaders elect the latest head of its national conference, there are few signs that they are willing to embrace the pastoral priorities of the pope.
It's not true that the political coalition that elected Barack Obama died on November 8. That alliance maintained its national advantage, as the popular vote shows.
